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Opinion

The Setonian
Editorial

Greek life needs more space

With the announcement that the Sigma Nu fraternity and Kappa Alpha Theta sorority will move into a house together next year, the growth of Greek life on campus is back in the news. The new location for SigNu, a previously established campus fraternity, and Theta, a new sorority, reminds us that Greek life now is more prominent on campus than ever. 123 more women went through the formal sorority recruitment process this year than in 2012, and a record high 216 women received bids. 


The Setonian
Opinion

Hand in hand: Israel and white supremacy

Faces dripping with sweat move together as one in a crowd. Shouts echo through a darkened sky as hands wave national flags in a rapid pulse. The mob pounces on a solo taxi in the middle of the street, spraying broken glass over the ground. Egged on by politicians, the mob continues its vengeance by attacking any black bodies in their midst. This harrowing scene is neither from Apartheid South Africa nor the segregationist riots of South Boston in the 1970s. This is May 2012 in Tel-Aviv, Israel, in the southern neighborhood of Hatikva where most residents are Mizrahim — Jews from the Arab and Muslim world. We might react to this as just isolated bigotry, a poor neighborhood inflamed by xenophobia targeting asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan. But that would miss the bigger picture. Arab Jews, too, are victims of racial violence and subjugation wrought by a variant of European colonialism. This system has violently labelled, dehumanized, exploited and excluded bodies of color. Like Palestinians living under apartheid, Ethiopian Jews and African Migrants, Arab Jews are also victims of Zionist white supremacy.Israel was founded upon Zionism, an ideology that has sought to establish and maintain a white, European-Jewish (or Ashkenazi) colony in non-European lands. It’s not hard to see that this is a racist project — after all, establishing a state in land already inhabited by indigenous people is a clear sign of a belief in their inferiority. Zionism’s roots are in white supremacy and colonization. It contains the same vein of logic that perpetrated the violent, genocidal European colonization of the non-Western world. Theodor Herzl, the father of Zionism, first lobbied the British government for the creation of a Jewish colony in Uganda in 1903. When his proposal was rejected, Herzl turned his gaze towards the Middle East, joining forces with the Palestine Jewish Colonization Association. Herzl explicitly envisioned Israel to be “a part of a wall of defense for Europe in Asia, an outpost of civilization against barbarism” — or, as former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak once put it, a “villa in the jungle.” This logic portrays those in Israel and Europe as “civilized,” as opposed to the “barbaric” and dangerous peoples of Asia and the Middle East who must be tamed. Zionism claims to be a movement for the Jewish people to a homeland, but being a movement created by white European Jews for white European Jews, Zionism has always concentrated power in the hands of a European elite. When colonialism stopped being fashionable, Zionists dropped the “c” word from their lexicon, but their practices of racial exclusion and white supremacy continued. Zionist white supremacy labels non-white bodies in various ways — in the case of the Palestinians, they were (and are) marked for destruction, as they occupy the land Herzl declared to be the homeland for Jews. Zionism’s racist framework subordinates Palestinian bodies to white Jewish people — if white Jews need a state, brown Palestinians will be subjugated for its creation. The erasure of Palestinians cannot be disassociated from Zionism, and the state of Israel cannot exist without it. The ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948, and the ongoing arrest, torture, siege, bombing and water crisis enacted upon Palestinians by Israel are the physical manifestations of this destructive ideology.White supremacy in Israel does not limit itself to expressly subjugating Palestinians. It is a pervasive force in Israeli politics. Israeli Minister of the Interior Eli Yishai, recently spoke in response to new detainment policies for African refugees. Yishai was quoted in a June 3, 2012 Haaretz article saying that Israel “belongs to the white man” and that he would use “all the tools to expel the foreigners, until not one infiltrator remains.” But who are these infiltrators? While Zionism targets non-white Jews for forced assimilation and exploitation, this racist ideology casts African asylum seekers as “infiltrators” — a term actually used by the Israeli government. This demeaning and accusatory label ignores the imperial histories and the personal circumstances of asylum-seekers. In rhetoric and in practice, the state has attempted to strip migrants of their right to decent treatment and with it, their humanity. Up until 2009, Israel granted only one percent of asylum applications. Instead, the government has begun rounding up Sudanese and Eritrean peoples, sending them to prison, internment camps and deporting them.This racist ideological framework also permeates the Israeli government’s treatment of non-European Jews. Mizrahim, also known as Arab Jews, are targets of racist policies, as well. From 1930 to 1970, Israel — under the control of white, European elites — systematically and forcibly removed Yemeni Jewish children from their parents and placed them in boarding schools or sold them to white European Jewish parents for adoption. In the 1950s, 150,000 North African Jewish children were given dangerously high doses of radiation without their parents’ consent in a series of unauthorized medical experiments under the pretext of treating ringworm. Arab Jews were forced into transit camps where they were subjected to a ‘de-Arabization’ process upon arrival into the country. This cultural genocide sought to transform them into proper Zionist subjects by making them ashamed of their histories, mother tongues and their customs. Over the last three decades, the state has reapplied this policy to Ethiopian Jews.12


The Setonian
Opinion

Palestine is about America

Upon entering Tufts - an elite liberal institution - we are discretely told which problems to focus on and which problems to ignore. "Think beyond borders," we are encouraged; be a "global citizen." Go solve Rwanda's, India's, Guatemala's and Jordan's problems; export ...


The Setonian
Editorial

EPIIC is valuable resource for all

It's not often that one of the countless acronyms that circulates around the Tufts campus gathers such a following, but each year EPIIC manages to garner a fair share of the limelight. These five letters can often become all-consuming for the cohort of students involved in the program each year; however, while EPIIC is publicized to the entire Tufts community, its offerings can sometimes be passed over by those who are not a part of the program. This inconsistency raises a few questions: What exactly is EPIIC? Who should be paying attention to it and why? EPIIC, or "Education for Public Inquiry and International Citizenship," takes center stage each year with its annual symposium, a four or five-day public forum that brings international figures and speakers to cam- pus. These experts, activists, academics and journalists lead presentations, panels, dis- cussions and workshops, stitching together a compelling and educationally valuable conglomerate perspective on the sympo- sium's chosen topic. This year, the 29th annual EPIIC symposium was held from Wednesday, Feb. 26 to Sunday, Mar. 2, and featured presentations about "The Future of the Middle East and North Africa." But EPIIC does not begin nor end with the symposium. At the heart of EPIIC is a year-long, intensive and multidisciplinary course that prepares approximately 50 students to think critically and analytically about global issues. This year's roster of students, who went through an applica- tion process and round of interviews in order to gain admission into the course, included a diverse set of perspectives, with some students having studied the Middle East for their entire Tufts career and others having little academic experi- ence with the region. The class, which meets twice a week for two and half hours each, hears from dif- ferent speakers each session. In order for the students to be able to participate in discussions with the presenters, they are assigned extensive readings each week and are tested via three comprehensive exams. At the time of the symposium, students are asked to play key roles in committees, sometimes preparing short speeches and presenting awards to featured speakers. EPIIC, which is a rigorous and excep- tional program, deserves all of the atten- tion it gets - and then some more. While the audience typically consists of a mixture of students, faculty and other academics, the symposium should be piquing the interest of the entire student body, not just the International Relations majors. EPIIC is an invaluable resource that provides eye-opening perspectives for all those who desire to be an active citizen, and everyone should be taking advantage of it - even if it's only by asking to hear about all of the hard work and dedication that our peers have put in.



The Setonian
Editorial

Salary freeze and low job security problems for adjunct professors

In September of last year, Tufts' adjunct professors voted to unionize. The School of Arts and Sciences has now begun negotiations with the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), representing the university's adjunct faculty. In a recent statement sent to the Tufts community, the administration announced that, "Tufts is committed to a good working relationship with the SEIU and hopes to work productively and with mutual respect toward a contract." They promise to engage collegially with the union, and hope to reach amicable, fair terms. This is the first step to resolving conflicts between the administration and more than half of the professors that Tufts enlists every semester.



The Setonian
Opinion

Taking back Zionism

In 1894, a French-Jewish officer, Alfred Dreyfus, was unjustly accused of treason, eventually convicted and sentenced to life in prison. A young journalist from Vienna, Theodore Herzl, covered the events, witnessing boisterous rallies in the streets, hearing crowds chant “Death to Jews!” a reflection of the increasingly vicious anti-Semitism that characterized Europe at the time. Three years later, in 1897, Herzl organized the first Zionist Congress, a meeting of 200 delegates from 17 countries, to discuss the creation of a homeland for the Jewish people. It was a bold project, one that would be the salvation for a population soon to face near annihilation at the hands of Nazi-controlled Europe and one that would face constant internal and external challenges. Ultimately though, Zionism would transform the identity of a people tied together by religious tradition and history into a unified nation.This, however, is not how Zionism might be described today. Rather, you might hear the words racism, expansionism, imperialism and settler colonialism associated with the movement. As Israeli Apartheid Week prepares to sweep campus once again, I wanted to take this opportunity to address an issue that is too often misrepresented.The false portrayal of Zionism in much of the media today, and by leaders in the Arab and Muslim world, stands in stark contrast with the goals and values of the movement. Whether it’s in a tweet by Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, written out on a sign at an anti-Israel protest or codified via a United Nations General Assembly resolution (later overturned), Zionism has been consistently maligned and berated for its so-called racist ideology. But this is not the true philosophy of Zionism, nor the spirit of the movement, and both Israel’s detractors and its supporters need to be reminded of that.The Zionist movement is neither simple nor monolithic. It’s important to note that not every Jew is a Zionist, and not every Zionist is a Jew, even within Israel today. Many different strains of the ideology emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and they continue to shape Israeli society and politics. But Zionism, at its core, is the simple desire for a homeland for the Jewish nation and the desire of the Jewish people to freely determine their own fate after centuries of persecution and helpless wandering. And it is based on this fundamentally just philosophy that I comfortably and proudly call myself a Zionist.The troubling perception that Zionism is akin to racism and settler colonialism, or that Zionism exists to deprive the Palestinians of a state, continues to pervade the current discourse in international media and in anti-Israel rhetoric. This is not the Zionism I know. To equate Zionism to racism is to unjustly single out Jewish nationalism and to maliciously twist the history and purpose of the movement. Similarly, comparisons of Zionism to settler colonialism misunderstand its historical context and goals. European colonialism sought to conquer land in the name of an empire and to rob that land of its resources. Zionism, while initially supported by the British Empire, sought refuge for a homeless people, themselves victims of Europe. Early Zionists had foreseen that the walls of the ghetto would soon begin to rise and understood that the Jewish reality in the Diaspora was untenable. They saw that general disunity and assimilation had weakened Jewish identity and culture. And so they sought a new beginning and prosperous future in a desert historically inhabited by Jews for 3,000 years.Still, I believe that a true Zionist should empathize with other nations seeking independence and the right to self-determination. After all, Zionism intended to liberate a people, not to occupy another. Like the Jewish nation, the Palestinian nation deserves the right to a state and is granted such under international law. Zionists acknowledged this right in their acceptance of the 1947 U.N. partition plan, which proposed a Jewish state alongside a Palestinian state, a plan the Arab states vehemently rejected. Israel has since acknowledged this right through several rounds of negotiations, starting with the Oslo Accords of the early ‘90s. While many are skeptical about the progress of current negotiations, and while I do not agree with many of the current Israeli government’s policies in the West Bank, I continue to believe that there is a space for both nations to thrive. It is as a Zionist that I support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the majority of Israelis agree on this point.In the spring of 2013, I had the privilege of studying abroad at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Living in the heart of East Jerusalem continuously shaped and reshaped my understanding of the often-difficult realities on the ground and my own identity as a Zionist.As I took in each new experience, my Zionism appeared in a myriad of unexpected places. At a Purim fair on Ben Yehuda Street where I saw children in all forms of costume running around happily, I was reminded that the Zionist dream saw a prospering nation espousing the family values so evident on this most joyful of days. While visiting Yad Vashem, the Holocaust museum in Jerusalem, I was confronted with the hatred and loss that inspired Herzl in France over a century ago. Even when witnessing instances of discrimination or racism — decades of conflict between cultures have almost ensured its existence — I was reminded that there is still much work to be done. Israel was meant to be a “light among nations,” and there are areas that it shines as brightly as ever despite constant challenges, but other areas which need attention and reform to truly reflect the values of “freedom, justice and peace” as stated in Israel’s Declaration of Independence.12



The Setonian
Opinion

Why we can't take no for an answer

"This is the year to take action on climate change. There are no more excuses," Jim Yong Kim, current President of the World Bank, proclaimed at this year's World Economic Forum in Davos. "We can divest [from carbon-intensive assets]," he continued, saying that investing in the fossil fuel industry betrays investors' "responsibility to future pension holders who will be affected by decisions made today."


The Setonian
Editorial

Huffington contrasts with Murrow's vision

The Huffington Post co-founder Arianna Huffington is set to speak at Tufts for the ninth annual Edward R. Murrow Forum on Issues in Journalism in April. While this year's speaker is sure to bring an excited crowd, Huffington is a surprising selection. Though she is among the most powerful individuals in media - and has been a columnist, panelist, commentator, author and CEO - Huffington has never actually been a journalist. Murrow left a legacy of objective and fearless reporting. Despite Huffington's undeniable success in online media, there is something to be said about the decision to have her represent Murrow's legacy.


The Setonian
Opinion

Huffington contrasts with Murrow’s vision

The Huffington Post co-founder Arianna Huffington is set to speak at Tufts for the ninth annual Edward R. Murrow Forum on Issues in Journalism in April. While this year’s speaker is sure to bring an excited crowd, Huffington is a surprising selection. Though she is among the most powerful individuals in media — and has been a columnist, panelist, commentator, author and CEO — Huffington has never actually been a journalist. Murrow left a legacy of objective and fearless reporting. Despite Huffington’s undeniable success in online media, there is something to be said about the decision to have her represent Murrow’s legacy.


The Setonian
Opinion

Compatibility between non-discrimination and religious inclusion

Though it may be over a year since the Tufts Community Union Senate meeting and Committee on Student Life (CSL) policy drama rocked our tiny Tufts campus, the CSL has finally decided to rescind its previous "Justified Departure" to the non-discrimination policy for student religious groups (now also including philosophical groups). While we support the belief that there are no legitimate grounds for discrimination in any student organization, we believe that there is a significant difference between discrimination due to individual sexual identity and religious leadership selection in a student-led religious group.


The Setonian
Editorial

Support Tufts' women's basketball team

On Feb. 15, the Tufts University women's basketball team played Bowdoin in the New England Small College Athletic Conference (NESCAC) final. The game, which was held at the university's own Cousens Gymnasium, ended with a final score of 92-54, the most points scored by the team in one game since 2008. The win culminated an impressive performance by players such as senior Liz Moynihan, who finished with 20 points and five assists, junior Hayley Kanner with 15 points, five rebounds and three blocks and three other members of the team, who scored in the double digits. The Jumbos, who had secured their spot as the No. 1 seed in NESCAC just the day before, completed their first ever perfect NESCAC season with a record of 10-0.


The Setonian
Opinion

New CSL policy excludes religious students

The Committee on Student Life’s recent decision limits and excludes religious expression at Tufts. The new policy, announced in an op-ed in The Tufts Daily on Feb. 6, prohibits religious student groups from selecting their religious leaders using the religious beliefs the group promotes. We commend the CSL for trying to foster “openness and inclusion” for all student organizations, but their decision undermines this value by excluding some religious Tufts students who wish to organize on campus in a way they see as authentic to their religious convictions.


The Setonian
Opinion

New voter registration approach is step in right direction

The Tufts Community Union Senate passed a resolution at its Feb. 2 meeting, urging the university to implement a streamlined voter registration process for its students. The proposed registration process would greatly improve students’ ability to participate in elections and alleviate the chaotic voter registration process on campus.


The Setonian
Opinion

Speak up, Hindus

Last week, my Twitter timeline was filled with discussions on Penguin India's decision to pull all unsold copies of "The Hindus: An Alternative History"(2009) by University of Chicago professor Wendy Doniger. The decision came after protests across India by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the Hindu hard-liners and a lower-court order. The publishing house decided not to contest the decision in a higher court.



The Setonian
Opinion

Speak up, Hindus

Last week, my Twitter timeline was filled with discussions on Penguin India’s decision to pull all unsold copies of “The Hindus: An Alternative History”(2009) by University of Chicago professor Wendy Doniger. The decision came after protests across India by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the Hindu hard-liners and a lower-court order. The publishing house decided not to contest the decision in a higher court.Strong responses to books — or works of art — are not new phenomena in India. After the release of Salman Rushdie’s “The Satanic Verses” in 1989, India was the first country to ban the book — ahead of countries like Pakistan and Iran. The great Indian gem — artist MF Husain — lived in a self-imposed exile between 2006 and his death in 2011, as a response to threats made against him for his portrayal of Hindu goddesses.Professor Doniger focuses on the role of “outsiders” in Hindu history in the book (which is available in Tisch library). The status of women, pariahs and the “ogres” — elements of the Hindu society that conventional texts have paid little attention to, is analyzed as it has changed over the ages. Professor Doniger focuses particularly on female sexuality and the portrayal of female goddesses. Her critics have latched on to that point, arguing that she has “sexualized” Hinduism to sell her book. The second issue of contentment is the issue of the role of Islam in medieval India. Most serious academics in the field agree that the relationship between the Muslim rulers and Hindu subjects during the Mughal era was flexible, one of give-and-take. Elements of the Hindu right portray it as one of the foreign oppressor and the indigenous oppressed, portraying themselves as America’s Indians and the Mughals (and Muslims as general) as European oppressors. Professor Ayesha Jalal at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (and currently on academic leave) also argues in her books — and in her classes — that the “oppressor invader Muslim” theory is a recent one, espoused by the Hindu right to discredit Muslims in India. Most of Doniger’s thesis is water-tight, the protests are not against the academic weakness of the book but against the disproval of the historically-unfounded myths the right wing uses to mobilize its followers against anyone that comes in its path, which has included Muslims and Sikhs in the past.Assume for a moment that “The Hindus” was absolute trash — a collection of fabricated lies about sex intended to sell the book (a religious history book using sex to sell in an age of online porn — go figure!). Even if not a single fact in the book were true, it is indefensible for a book to be banned for its merits. A critical, religious-historical perspective is absolutely necessary in understanding the way people have lived, and this book would still be an important addition to that field. Forget free speech — even within the Indian government’s narrow and vague define-as-you-go framework of free speech, it is an important piece for it opens up a discussion on the legacy of the religion on different social institutions. An academic work shouldn’t be destroyed because it’s not right — it should be corrected through more academic work. In that, the book is valuable even if it were to be absolutely false.Speaking of academia, Tufts’ own Hindu Students Council has stayed rather mum on the issue. It’s quite surprising -- an article published in the Daily defending the open, accepting and assimilative nature of Hinduism was fiercely disputed with great zest. One would assume there would be greater interest in the issue. One is told that the author of the article defending appropriation of Holi received strong comments that were not entirely academic in nature. One has yet to hear about students getting up-in-arms about this issue.In “The Hindus,” Doniger goes into extreme detail on adaptability of the religion. She explains how “Hinduism” wasn’t really a concept till the 1830s when the British decided to name all the peoples with vaguely similar belief systems after the river Indus. She shows how gods “travelled” from one culture to another, springing up out of nowhere in religious books of different communities at different times. There’s even the story of Santoshi Ma, a previously non-existing goddess who gained many followers in Indian women after Bollywood “created” her in the 1960s.The Hindu Students Council has shown appreciation of the appropriation of Hinduism, including Holi and the Color Run. It has looked positively (from what I can tell of my friends involved with it) to the connecting of the Tufts Mascot to the Hindu god Ganesh. Considering that, it surely believes that if someone decides to appropriate Hindu symbols, the more power to them — there is no central authority to set the beliefs, and differences in beliefs are a part of the accepting bosom of the religion. Perhaps then, the organization should come out defending the book. This is especially important since a large part of the crowd that protests against the book is from the diaspora: Doniger had eggs thrown at her in New York in 2003 by an Indian man who disagreed with her. The HSC should explain why it agrees with Doniger and act as a beacon for greater discussion amongst Hindus at Tufts. If it disagrees with Doniger’s thesis, it should come forward to say what it disagrees with, and why. In liberal religious cultures, the “crisis” of religion is often talked about. The biggest crisis of religion today is that religious liberals choose to stay quiet, allowing the hardliners and fundamentalists to have the full say. As a result, religion often comes off as something unaccepting, irrational and narrow-minded — even though it is often the opposite for most followers. If the liberals talked louder and more often, it would be clearer that the religion can be more liberal.12


The Setonian
Editorial

Making change abroad includes reform at home

Foreign policy enthusiasts, policy- makers, world-changers and activists are among those who consider foreign aid to be one of the most powerful tools in ending world poverty. The popularity of foreign aid is hardly surprising given its direct approach: it's hard to question the efficacy of giving money to people who need it to eat. This train of thought has produced decades of foreign aid ideologies with mixed success. From grandiose, corrupt projects like dams and highways to strings-attached, IMF reform pack- ages that can give as much aid as damage, foreign aid packages have left something to be desired.



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