This is the first in a two-part series of Michael Bendetson's interview with former Vice President Walter Mondale. Today's installment focuses on Mondale's career as a senator, his vice presidency under Jimmy Carter and his 1984 presidential campaign. The second installation, which will appear in Tuesday's issue, will focus on Mondale's views on key political issues such as energy usage and the economy.
Walter Mondale was one of the most influential American politicians in the second half of the 20th century. He is most well-known for his position as vice president during the Carter administration. Mondale revolutionized the role of the vice president and became the first to actively participate in policy decisions. In 1984, he was the Democratic nominee for president but lost the general election to incumbent Ronald Reagan. Prior to his endeavors as vice president, Mondale served as a senator from Minnesota and was a major proponent of Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society programs. He was most recently the ambassador to Japan in the administration of Bill Clinton. Mondale was known for his liberal stances in politics and his desire to assist society's most neglected members.
Michael Bendetson: Over the course of your career, you have stepped away from politics on a number of occasions to work in the private sector. Yet after a few years away from public service, you always seem to be drawn back into politics. What specifically inspired you to postpone your lucrative law practice to reenter American politics?
Walter Mondale: I would put your question a bit differently. I always wanted to be in public service and only went into the private sector when the voters decided it was time for me to step down. I love public life. I love the issues. I love working with people. I am an old progressive. I like building support for and getting things done. I think in many ways, it is one of the best things you can do for your friends, your family and your community. The goal is to try to make a more trusted and just society. In America, we have a real opportunity in the most impressive of nations to do just that.
MB: During your tenure in the [U.S] Senate, you had quite a distinguished career. Out of the many pieces of legislation that you worked on and sponsored, what specific bill(s) are you most proud of?
WM: I would like to put [my answer] in a plural — the Civil Rights Acts [the 1965 Voting Rights Act and the 1968 Civil Rights Act], which I supported and had to be done. In addition, I am proud for my support of education bills that improved education at all levels [the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the Higher Education Act of 1965 and the Bilingual Education Act]. These bills helped open up education to all Americans. I chaired the Select Committee on Equal Education Opportunity. I spent a lot of time trying to figure out how we can provide all Americans with a good education, a problem that still haunts the country.
MB: The Constitution delegates very little power to the position of vice president. However, throughout the Carter Administration you managed to play an important role with your involvement on all major domestic and foreign policy decisions. How would you define the role of the vice president? Further, do you have any suggestions or recommendations for Vice President Biden?
WM: Well, Biden and I are old friends and we have talked about your question more than once. Incidentally, I think he is getting off to a very good start. I believe the model Carter and I set up, with some variations, is essentially the way it should be done. I was a general advisor to the president. I helped represent the president on the Hill with legislation and other matters. In addition, I represented [the administration] around the country and around the world in diplomatic affairs. I tried to be a troubleshooter in the government when reforms were needed and I could be of service to the president. Finally, I just tried to be the president's friend and confidant. I was his eyes and ears and did everything possible to help the man. I think that is the way it should be done, and that is the way Biden is approaching his job. Of course, Biden brings tremendous strengths with his background in the Judiciary Committee and international affairs. The fact that he has served in Congress for so long and is so well-liked, he is going to do very well.
MB: One of the defining issues of the Carter administration was, in fact, the Iran Hostage Crisis. What mistakes were made in the handling of the situation? In addition, what, if anything, would you have done differently?
WM: Let me quote Gary Sick. Gary Sick was a retired captain in the U.S. Navy. When he came into office, he was an official for the National Security Council. He had a tremendous amount of experience with Iran and even spoke the language. He headed the task force to deal with our hostages and their return. He lived through every moment of [the Iran Hostage Crisis]. He wrote a book called "All Fall Down" [2001], which is the best single history of that tough period. When he was finished with the book, he was asked your question. He said, "If I had been one of those hostages, I would want President Carter to be my president." I think by that statement, he knew that Carter would worry about him and try to do the right thing for the country and them. Indeed, that is … what I think we did. It was really rough on those hostages. We thought about it and tried to act every way we could, but we were in the middle of the first example of Islamic radicalism under [Ayatollah] Khomeini. We could have started a war, but we did not. We could have done things to endanger the lives of our hostages there, but we did not. We tried through diplomacy, direct action, indirect action and pressure from our allies and friends. We did everything we possibly could that was reasonable. We were thinking and working to try to get our hostages home every day we were in office.
MB: Before the 2008 Summer Olympics, many individuals were calling for the United States to boycott the Games. The protest was with regards to Chinese policy toward Tibet as numerous claims of human rights violations were made. Many referenced President Carter's decision to boycott the Summer Olympics of 1980 in Moscow. Would you have approved of a boycott this past summer? Further, do you still stand by the decision to boycott the Olympics in 1980?
WM: Yes, I think we did the right thing in 1980. The invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union was a fundamental rupture of international laws and a very dangerous precedent that had to be dealt with. We had only limited remedies that we could use to punish and impose costs on the Soviet Union. One of them was to terminate America's participation in the Moscow Olympics and to try to get other countries to join us. The reason is the same as applied in 1936. Adolf Hitler used those Olympics to build his stature in the world and to show his people that the world respected him even though he was a monster. [The Carter administration] felt that we could not go to Moscow and play as though things were normal in the midst of what they [Soviets] were doing in Afghanistan. I think the circumstances were different in 2008. The Chinese have not invaded Tibet. In most cases, we should not cancel the Olympics because, for many of the athletes, this is their only opportunity. A boycott should be used rarely and only in cases where it is fundamentally abhorrent to be involved in the games. Nevertheless, we should speak up about Tibet. There are other things that should be done; I am most certainly not content with remaining silent on this issue.
MB: One of the focal points of your 1984 presidential campaign was that of honesty. At the Democratic Convention, you exclaimed, "By the end of my first term, I will reduce the Reagan budget deficit by two-thirds. Let's tell the truth. It must be done, it must be done. Mr. Reagan will raise taxes, and so will I. He won't tell you. I just did." The line soon became a rallying cry for President Reagan and the Republican Party. Do you have any regrets about incorporating that line in your speech?
WM: Well, I have had friends tell me [the line] was pretty dumb politically. However, I knew that if I was elected, we were facing an awful budget. We were deeply in deficit and could not maintain the status quo. It was Reaganomics and it simply had not worked. If I became elected, I wanted to have the public remember that I had said something about it. I also knew that Reagan's people had said he was going to raise taxes. In fact, after he was reelected, Reagan raised taxes several times. I think history vindicates me, but I notice no candidates after my presidential campaign have talked about raising taxes — maybe there is a political warning there.
MB: Many pundits believe that your selection of Geraldine Ferraro as a running mate helped to break the glass ceiling with regards to women in national politics. In 2008, Sen. Hillary Clinton nearly won the Democratic primaries and Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin was the vice presidential nominee on the Republican ticket. After witnessing these events, please evaluate the importance of your decision to place the first woman on a major party ticket.
WM: I am very proud of my decision. I think Gerry was a very good candidate. Further, I believe in the principle that we should search for the best talent to fill these important positions. One of America's problems has been, despite how talented women might be, they have a hard time breaking through that glass ceiling. The same was also true for African-Americans. This was one of the reasons why I was so thrilled that [Barack Obama] was elected president. We did not win the [1984] election, but I think we established a precedent that made it easier for women to think about running for president and vice president.
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Michael Bendetson is a freshman who has not yet declared a major.
