Jon Schubin | Hongkers
March 15The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has lost its first leader. Last Thursday, Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa announced his resignation, ending nearly two weeks of rumors and conflicting reports in the local press. He cited declining health as his primary reason for ending his second term more than two years early. The real reason, media analysts said, was the dissatisfaction of the central People's Republic of China (PRC) government in Beijing with Tung. There were massive protests of nearly a half-million people in 2003 and 2004 against proposed security legislation. SARS hit the territory hard and took longer to control than in other Asian countries such as Singapore. Tung has been blamed for nearly every problem in Hong Kong for the past eight years - from the economic downturn in 1997 to increasing air pollution. That is why it is strange that the mood surrounding Tung's departure in Hong Kong these last couple weeks has been less one of jubilation and more one of melancholy. Rather than cheering, some of Tung's usual opponents have taken to the streets to protest his resignation. The source of the problem lies with Tung's departure. It was not the immediate result of popular protests - his resignation was announced after careful consideration, and with the approval of high Chinese government bodies. In order to minimize embarrassment for Tung, his resignation was arranged to coincide with an appointment to a Chinese government advisory body reserved for aging leaders. When Hong Kong was handed back to the Chinese in 1997, it was agreed by both governments that the country would be governed under a document called the Basic Law for 50 years. (Hong Kong filmmaker Wong Kar Wai references the end of this time in his excellent new movie, "2046.") Hong Kong was to be mostly autonomously governed for this time period. China called it "One Country, Two Systems." The departure of Tung is a sign that "One Country, Two Systems" has been quite different in practice than in policy. Hong Kong has had to refer to the Chinese government time and time again to settle important decisions, like the ability of mainland-born children to have the "right to abode" in the city. Tung's depature is only the latest sign during my tenure in Hong Kong that the "One Country, Two Systems" model is not working. The legislative election in September (only half of the legislature is democratically elected; the other half is made up of seats drawn from special-interest areas, such as labor unions) saw the Democratic Party lose seats amid party in-fighting. Other major parties are largely deferential to Beijing. Most students at Hong Kong University are apathetic about the political process. Many people in my dorm hall turned out for the massive protests of 2003 and 2004, but did not vote in the elections. Their general explanation was that they disliked political parties or believed that their vote would not influence the outcome. These types of attitude are self-defeating. Tung's departure showed that the key decisions about the future of the territory are in the hands of the PRC, not the SAR government. Currently, the reaction of people in Hong Kong to government policy is frequently indifference and, only in rare cases, protest. A movement is needed to motivate the people to once again be involved in the governmental system. Real change will only come if the people unite under a strong political party and petition the government constantly. Sporadic protest over major issues might produce short-term gains or individual victories, but it cannot change the direction of government. The Basic Law promises to implement more democratic procedures, but the timeframe is undetermined. The PRC quashed debate on a direct election of the Chief Executive in 2007. It will only be through a massive effort that Hong Kong will be able to reform the procedure for the next election, which takes place in 2012. Although the events of the last couple weeks have been discouraging, I have seen hopeful signs. In my politics classes there are local students who have volunteered to work with both established and emerging political parties. They were petitioning and informing voters, helping to explain the issues in an election that was seemingly unconnected to them. Then there was John, one of my hall mates, who volunteered for all of Election Day at a polling station. The next day, I saw him early in the morning. He looked exhausted, but when I asked how it was to serve at a polling station, he said only one word: "Excellent." With that, I am off on a trip. Some might call it spring break, but I prefer to look at it as a research trip. Hong Kong is not the only Chinese-dominated state outside the PRC: the governments of Macau and Singapore each have their own unique systems of government. With Hong Kong in crisis, these models are increasingly attractive.
